What differentiates the United States from every other nation? I was taught American exceptionalism, the idea that the United States of America is a unique and even morally superior country for historical, ideological, and religious reasons. Proponents of American exceptionalism generally pair the belief with the claim that the United States is obligated to play a special role in global politics.
However, neither our history nor our current experience aligns with the ideal completely. Rather than making America great (or great again), we nurture a systemic dark side in our history that is no different than any other national system and might even be worse because we carry a self-inflicted imprisonment to the power paradox. As Dacher Keltner explains, “We rise in power and make a difference in the world due to what is best about human nature, but we fall from power due to what is worst. We gain a capacity to make a difference in the world by enhancing the lives of others, but the very experience of having power and privilege leads us to behave, in our worst moments, like impulsive, out-of-control sociopaths.”[1]
Wait, you say, we don’t oppress people, we don’t commit atrocities like genocide, and we don’t arbitrarily invade other countries and rob them of their natural resources and identity. Or do we? The truth is that such sociopathic behaviors weave through our American experience in varying degrees of intensity.
Our nation bears the shameful heritage of the African slave trade. That is terrible, but it is not the only example. American Policy under President Jackson pushed the Indian Removal Act through Congress in 1830. The U.S. government spent nearly 30 years forcing Indigenous peoples to move westward, beyond the Mississippi River.[2] More than 15,000 members of the Cherokee tribe were forced to walk from their homes in the Southern states to a designated territory in present-day Oklahoma in 1838. Many died along the way.
The policies of President Jackson were not isolated; the United States has a consistent history of making and breaking treaties with Native Americans. Of the nearly 370 treaties negotiated between the U.S. and tribal leaders, Stacker has compiled a list of 15 broken treaties negotiated between 1777 and 1868.[3]
The lofty words of the Declaration of Independence never quite became the reality of all people’s existence.[4] Its self-evident truths had a built-in paradox: neither women nor slaves were included. This paradox didn’t sneak up on us as a nation; it was understood and ignored from the start. Historian Joseph J. Ellis notes that Jefferson lived the twin American dilemmas of slavery and racism more poignantly than any of the other prominent members of the revolutionary generation. Two of his children were among his ninety-three slaves in 1800. Jefferson personified the coexistence of slavery and the creedal commitment to individual freedom.[5] All the founding fathers winked at this contradiction. The problem was that it set up not just the Civil War conflict but also a long history of policy and mindset that repressed and disadvantaged an entire people of the American story.
The sociopathic behaviors that amplified slavery didn’t stop with the Civil War; they metastasized into the economy. The Labor Movement and the Abolitionist movement emerged simultaneously, raising questions about the meaning of free labor.[6]
Labor leaders framed their case for free labor by pointing to the problem of wage slavery, where working for wages was tantamount to slavery in that it left workers impoverished, thus denying them the economic and political independence essential to republican citizenship.
Arguments against this parallel pointed out that all avenues of wealth are open to all – the US is an open society in which some achieve more and others less. The argument sounds meritocratic but belies the power paradox in economic affluence. The experience of Chinese immigrants illustrates the point further regarding unequal access to opportunity.
With the increase of Chinese immigrants in the 1880s, Chinese were viewed not only as an inferior and undesirable population but also as an actual threat to American culture, the American government, and even the Caucasian race. Chinese helped build the transnational railroad lines.[7] Their reward?
The end of the 19th century brought about increased violence and anti-Chinese riots, and many Chinese were simply driven out of their adopted communities. In some of the worst cases, like Rock Springs, Wyoming or Los Angeles, Chinese were attacked and lynched. In each city, over 20 Chinese were brutally murdered in killing sprees. Accompanying the physical violence were waves of anti-Chinese legislation passed both locally and federally. San Francisco, which had a large Chinese population, passed harsh city ordinances designed to harass Chinese workers. By 1882, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act which explicitly banned Chinese laborers from entering the United States. The Chinese became the first ethnic group ever to be targeted for exclusion from immigration to the U.S. based on race.[8]
So even though Abolitionists argued, based on their voluntarist views, that slavery was wrong not because slaves lacked economic or political independence but because they were forced to work against their will. Freedom from slavery did not allow the slave to be his own master, rather than answering all his complaints upon entry into voluntary labor. What proponents like William Jay considered emancipation, the labor movement considered a condition of dependence—the slave moved from servitude to a person to servitude to capital.
As sociopathic behaviors metastasized into the economy, some argued that the problem was not the wage labor system itself but its abuse, i.e., wages were not proportional to the value of the labor performed.
Still, others asserted that wage laborers could easily improve their lot through self-denial, temperance, education, and moral and religious character.[9] As authors like Ta-Nehisi Coates point out, this is a favorite chorus of the oppressor to the marginalized and oppressed. It assumes equal opportunity, which never quite materializes.
Perceptive observers like George Fitzhugh argued that the only difference between southern slave owners and northern capitalists was that slavers took responsibility for their slaves, supporting them in sickness and old age. In contrast, northern capitalists took none for theirs.
I could go on; the genocide of Native Americans in the west in the nineteenth century, the ongoing racism and political oppression of voters, the scandal surrounding My Lai massacre in 1968, and the vilification of immigrants we see increasing under this administration all point to the unavoidable reality that America is not an exceptional force for good on the planet. The more I know of our history, the more humbled I am, and the more I recognize the need for other voices to help me see the whole picture of my existence. We (Americans) are not exceptional; we are unsurprisingly human, expressing the same glint of nobility and utter villainy exhibited in all humanity.
It is often uncomfortable to face the miserable and poisonous parts of our history as a nation. But we cannot afford to cover it up as the present administration seems hellbent on doing.[10] We are a nation built on diversity that claims unanimity. It is not ok to whitewash our history, to ignore the various perspectives of our national identity, because it makes people like me uncomfortable to discover that the claim that all men are created equal has consistently been interpreted in action as applicable only to the privileged and powerful.
I think about this as a pastoral theologian. As such, I reject the idea of American exceptionalism, not just on the evidence of our bipolar history regarding human rights and equality but also on the theological observation that all people fall short of the promise of their creation. In my own experience, it has been conversations with others that have shown me the implicit biases that have made me a culpable contributor to bipolar behavior so evident in our history, past and present. If we want to make America great again, we cannot do it by denying our worst behaviors only to double down in our attempts to justify ourselves or deny what is so apparent. If we want to be great, we are called upon to confess our failures and commit ourselves to the kind of service that achieves the self-evident, i.e., that all men are created equal. I hope for a metanoia moment in America. I wish for an honest reckoning with our points of arrogant failure and economic and social oppression. But repentance is a bitter pill to the pride of humankind; the privileged scoff at it as foolishness. The oppressed reject it as manipulative. But when repentance and confession are genuinely engaged, they become transformative and rejuvenating. What happens if we fail to engage the transforming work of repentance? Thomas Jefferson may have summed it up the best: “Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever…The Almighty has no attributes which can take sides with us.”[11]
[1] Dacher Keltner. (2016) The Power Paradox: How We Gain and Lose Influence. New York: Penguins Books, 1-2.
[2] McNamara, Robert. “American Indian Removal Policy and the Trail of Tears.” ThoughtCo, Apr. 5, 2023, https://www.thoughtco.com/the-trail-of-tears-1773597; Accessed 10 April 2025.
[3] Source: https://stacker.com/stories/history/broken-us-indigenous-treaties-timeline; Accessed 10 April 2025.
[4] Source: https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/declaration-transcript; Accessed 10 April 2025.
[5] Joseph J. Ellis. (2018) American Dialogue: The Founders and Us. New York: Alfred A . Knopf, 1-14.
[6] Michael J. Sandel. (2022) Democracy’s Discontent: A New Edition For Our Perilous Times. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 64-106.
[7] Source: http://teachingresources.atlas.illinois.edu/chinese_exp/introduction04.html; Accessed 10 April 2025.
[8] Source: https://www.teachingforchange.org/exclusionact#:~:text=The%20end%20of%20the%2019th%20century%20brought%20about,or%20Los%20Angeles%2C%20Chinese%20were%20attacked%20and%20lynched.; Accessed 10 April 2025.
[9] Such pronouncements overlooked the reality of systemic racism, bias, and self-interests inherent in capitalism.
[10] See, for example, the president’s executive order regarding the Smithsonian. Source: https://www.whitehouse.gov/fact-sheets/2025/03/fact-sheet-president-donald-j-trump-restores-truth-and-sanity-to-american-history/. In his order, the phrase « divisive ideology » refers to nothing more than the diversity of cultural perspectives that make up the American experience. Some of these perspectives highlight the ways in which our bipolar commitment to equality has oppressed and destroyed fellow Americans.
[11] Ellis 2018:25.